One that humans must collectively address by either personal action or holding industry and political leaders accountable. Like many contentious social issues in America, there is a general, but slow, trend of increasing concern about climate change. However, the threats are becoming more imminent, and preventative action on climate change must be taken as soon as possible. Socio-ideological identity tends to be a major predictor in how adults will perceive climate change.
Those that are socio-ideologically conservative, for example, are statistically more likely to be skeptical about climate change. This group tends to be disengaged in taking action, even if they see impacts of climate change in their daily lives. Additionally, conservative adults with increased scientific literacy or knowledge of climate issues generally do not have different beliefs about climate change than conservatives that lack the same knowledge of climate science.
Gender identity is also commonly associated with climate change perception in adults.
On average, conservative, self-identifying males tend to be more resistant to belief in climate change. Research has shown that children, however, do not have the same influence from politics or ideology which molds their worldview. Children and adolescents are more flexible in their opinions, and as a result, their feelings about climate change will be a direct result of how much information they have been taught about the subject. Unlike adults, children will only filter out information that does not align with their preconceived beliefs if they have low scientific understanding of climate change.
Children and adolescents are probably the most open to climate change education, and the most likely to take action.
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During fraught social change movements in America, adults are commonly more resistant to changing their opinion than children. One study in coastal North Carolina aimed to identify how climate change concern in children may affect the beliefs of their parents, regardless of parental socio-ideology. Children were encouraged to learn about climate change through hands on activities and completion of field based projects.
She argued for an emphasis on people being able to live a life of dignity and culture whatever their position. As a first step, she suggested, this would require a revalorising of technical knowledges.
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Finally, David Willetts made the case for wider access to higher education — and adult education — as the most important component in enabling people to get on and for an end to university league tables that reward prior attainment. It was, as they say, a fascinating and wide-ranging debate, citing R.
Tawney and Friedrich Hayek and, inevitably, Finland — the country, that is. If anything united the speakers it was the case for broadening out what constitutes educational success beyond the academic. Gratifyingly, the elephant in the room of downward mobility, always absent from the political rhetoric, also got a mention.
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Are any of these thoughts new? How many Vice Chancellors, Principals, Directors and senior leaders come from deprived backgrounds? How many come from under-represented backgrounds? You are commenting using your WordPress. You are commenting using your Google account. You are commenting using your Twitter account.
You are commenting using your Facebook account. To the extent that Asian American students are encouraged to remediate their weaknesses rather than dwell on their accomplishments, the mediating role of student competency beliefs would function differently for these students than for those in other groups. In the future, it would be of interest to conduct studies examining the mediating role of academic competency or self-efficacy beliefs among Asian American students.
Such studies will increase our understanding of the pathway through which parental expectations increase students' academic outcomes for this group. Another pathway by which parental expectations are thought to affect student achievement is by fostering greater parental involvement in children's academic activities. Parental involvement in children's education generally refers to the extent and quality of help with homework, communication with the teacher, participation in school activities, and facilitation of cognitively stimulating activities Hoover-Dempsey and Sandler ; Sy and Schulenberg ; Trusty Of particular relevance to this review is evidence suggesting that parents who placed higher value on education and have higher expectations about their child's educational attainment tend to be more engaged in achievement-related activities, including reading to their children, sending them to extracurricular lessons, and monitoring their academic progress Halle et al.
Yet, several studies have found variability across different groups in terms of the ways in which parents become involved in their children's schooling.
Yet, the Asian American parents were significantly less likely to discuss their children's school experiences with them, nor did they assist their children with their school work as much as did African American or European American parents. Compared with African American and Latino parents, Asian American parents provided more learning opportunities in the form of after-school lessons and activities, and disciplined their children to spend longer hours doing homework than African American, Latino, or European American parents. Thus, it is also crucial to recognize that various ethnic groups differ in the extent to which they engage in particular kinds of parental involvement.
Studies also highlight the powerful role of parental involvement as a mediator between parental expectations and students' academic outcomes for European American parents, but not for Asian American parents. Research conducted to date suggests that parental help with children's homework yields little positive influence on Asian American and Asian immigrant students' academic achievement even though such involvement appears to boost European American students' educational performance.
In their analysis of the ECLS-K data on Asian American and 7, European American kindergartners, Sy and Schulenberg found that for Asian parents, low parental expectations appeared to trigger parental involvement in school activities while for European American parents, high expectations prompted parental involvement. Furthermore, while the authors found that parental expectations and involvement predicted child outcomes in both groups, there were some differences in the pattern of effects.
Specifically, parents' school participation was not significantly associate with Asian American student's math and reading scores, even though it was for European American children. For both groups, parents' involvement in home literacy was associated with children's reading outcomes, and for European Americans but not Asian Americans it was associated with math outcomes.
There is little evidence regarding the association of parental expectations to parental involvement among Latino families. However, research conducted to date suggests that Latino parents are less likely than European Americans to become involved in certain kinds of supportive activities with their children. For example, Latino parents are significantly less likely to read to their young children than are European American parents Bradley et al.
To a large extent, this pattern may be a function of language barriers, low levels of schooling, and lack of knowledge about American education among Latino immigrants Cooper et al.
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Culturally bounded beliefs about the parental role may also have an effect. Several studies have found that Latino parents with young children view their primary role as one of guiding their children's moral development and protecting them from negative peer influences rather than providing direct support of academic learning Cooper ; Cooper et al. If Latino parents are generally less likely to provide certain forms of support concerning achievement, then such support is unlikely to serve as a mediator linking parental expectations to student achievement.
These factors all help explain why parental involvement is not a strong mediator between parental expectations and student achievement for all groups, but the evidence is sparse, particularly with respect to groups other than Asian Americans. A final route through which parental expectations may increase students' academic success is by influencing teachers' perceptions and evaluations of the child. Teachers may find it motivating to pay particular attention to children whose parents hold high expectations and are clearly involved in their children's schooling because the teachers believe that their efforts in the classroom are being reinforced at home.
Teachers who perceive parents as holding high expectations for their children may also raise their own expectations for those particular students and increase their educational commitment to them Bandura et al. Lareau provides a detailed view of the way in which parental expectations are perceived by teachers and used in making educational decisions about children. In her ethnographic study of working class and middle class families, she found that decisions to promote a child to the next grade depended on the teacher's perception of parental involvement.
Low-achieving students whose parents appeared to be involved in their children's schooling were likely to be promoted, while similarly challenged students whose parents were not perceived as involved were required to repeat the year. In a quantitative study of kindergarten children and their parents, Dumais found that lower SES parents tended to feel less welcome at the school than did higher SES parents, and these perceptions were in turn associated with lower teacher perceptions regarding their children's academic skills.
There is ample evidence that teachers treat students differently depending on their expectations of the students. When teachers hold high academic expectations for a student, they are likely to provide a more positive and challenging learning environment for that individual. In her qualitative study of elementary school students, Weinstein found that teachers were more likely to praise students of whom they held high expectations, ask them to lead classroom activities, and give them more academic choices.
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On the other hand, teachers provided negative feedback to students, of whom they held low expectations, giving them limited attention and recommending placement in low-track classes. Interviews conducted with the children revealed how they came to perceive their academic competence as it was reflected in the eyes of their teachers see also Benner and Mistry Even when parents are attempting to support their children's schooling, teachers may not realize that this is the case, or may view such effort as detrimental rather than supportive of student achievement.
The evidence regarding educational expectations of Latino and African American families is somewhat mixed and merits further investigation. We argued that parents who believe that effort is the key determinant of academic success are not likely to base their expectations on past performance because effort is relatively controllable and hence less stable over time.
In contrast, those parents who believe that performance is a function of native ability, which is frequently perceived as relatively stable over time, are more likely to see past achievement as a reliable indicator of future performance.
To the extent that Asian Americans are particularly likely to focus on the role of effort in achievement, the effects of past performance are likely to be less salient for them in predicting future performance than for other groups. Second, parents' own experiences with school institutions and their perceptions of how school personnel treat members of their ethnic or cultural group affect the degree to which parents accept teachers' assessment of their children's school progress.
Mistrust of teachers among minority or low-SES parents, especially among African American parents, may lessen parents' reliance on school feedback when evaluating their children's academic performance, and thus diminish its value in predicting how the child will do in the future. And third, parents' sense of self-efficacy in supporting their children's schooling is conditioned by available resources and sources of support.
Our review also suggested that parental expectations are strongly related to student performance among European American families, but less so among minority families.